Government of Ekiti State, Nigeria.

We Run The Risk Of Losing This Democracy – Gov Fayemi

June 20, 2013

Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State, in this interview with our editors, speaks on knotty issues in the polity, including the Federation Account, Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF), his relationship with President Goodluck Jonathan and the recent Supreme Court judgment on the election petition in the state.

Look back at the last three weeks: The Supreme Court matter has been settled; the Nigerian Governors Forum [NGF] election has happened and the people are looking forward to your formal declaration for a second term. Looking at all these, particularly the Supreme Court matter, how would you describe the judiciary in this dispensation?
On the Supreme Court matter, the hype really did not match the product. In the first instance, I couldn’t, for the life of me, understand why there was any hype in the first instance. In Ekiti, the kind of news going round the state was that I had run away and that I had paid off some of my political appointees and how alternative police were being sent to provide the ride back to the Government House, and so on which I believe is nonsensical for the very simple reason that the Supreme Court had no jurisdiction in that matter. Yes, strange things happen in Nigeria but even for strange things to happen, you need to provide a basis and they say in law; ‘you can’t put something on nothing.’ That is why I was surprised that even certain elements in the other camp could still express shock and surprise that the Supreme Court ruled in the manner that it did. I understood that in some quarters it was because that they felt that “I was on the wrong side of the President and that I was Rotimi Amaechi’s campaign manager.” None of the sort. I have a lot of respect for the President. To the best of my knowledge, I get along very well with the President and there is no reason for me to be in any antagonism with the president of Nigeria.

The issue with the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF), as far as some of us are concerned, was not even an issue between the opposition and the party in power at the centre. No, it was about the integrity and the independence of the governors’ forum.

The president was not a contestant in the NGF election. To the best of my knowledge, the president never called me to say, vote for ‘A’ or don’t vote for ‘B’ in NGF election. To that extent, it couldn’t have been the case that the Presidency would have weighed in on the Supreme Court matter “in order to punish me for being on the wrong side of that discussion.” People generally take things to a level that can be sometimes difficult to explain. Now that it has gone the way it has gone, I think it’s important for us to put that behind us although when one reflects on the fact that this entire matter has taken the better part of the past seven years, the longest case on election petition in the country. I think we really ought to ask ourselves what the limit to litigation is.

Must we be in permanent litigation over a matter whose term would have even expired?
Let us even assume in the strangest of circumstances that my brother, Segun Oni, got judgment in his favour, what would the judgment say? That he should go back and complete a term that had expired in May 2011? Or that there should be a rerun in a particular part of the state over what race, a race that was no longer in existence because there had been another election after that? I didn’t know what it would have been and I found it strange that there was no sanction for lawyers who know the law, who allowed the client to be deluded to the point of bringing a matter such as that to the Supreme Court. I found it curious that the Supreme Court did not even order severe cost, not to mention disciplinary action against a lawyer who knows the law, who knows the position of the Constitution on this particular matter, and knows that the bus-stop on this matter was the Court of Appeal and still went ahead to abuse the process of court to argue for fair-hearing. This is when they also knew that in the matter concerning Ekiti, Justice Isa Salami was not even an issue. The Salami issue was connected to Sokoto matter and his disagreement with the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aloysius Katsina-Alu. And this was a matter that the highest body, the National Judicial Council (NJC), had pronounced on, not once, not twice. Yet the lawyers went ahead to do this.

I think it is unfortunate, but then again, we are Ekiti and in Ekiti, we say that: education enlightens the mind to abhor cheating, but there is also a point at which rational thought process should also point one in the direction of sensible reasoning. But this is over and done with. As I said when I came back from Abuja, I hope my brothers in the other camp would seize the olive branch and see this as an opportunity for all of us to work together to develop our state because for me, that is what is at stake.

This brings me to your third point which is our preparation to announce acceptance for another term. To the best of my knowledge, there is no preparation anywhere. What I know is that there have been a number of calls from both party, non-governmental bodies and some independent Ekiti forums and I have already said that I will give it a careful thought. I don’t see any reason why I would not accede to the various endorsements and requests that had come from all over the state but that they should give me time to get myself together because it is a four-year mandate. We’ve just spent two and a half years in office. There is still enough work to do. Yes, we have done a sizeable chunk of what we promised, but there is still a lot to do out there that I should not be distracted from doing.
The agenda before was to use the Supreme Court matter to distract us from really focusing on the development of the state and now that that has gone, we should not use second term campaigns to achieve the same purpose that our friends wanted to achieve with the Supreme Court case. So, I think the job of development of the state continues. That is what we should focus on.

You said you hope that your political opponent, Chief Segun Oni, would take the olive branch. But news had it that you intend to probe Segun Oni’s government. How do you reconcile that with the olive branch offered to him?
Don’t let us conflict issues. We are not investigating anything. We actually investigated. If you recall, we set up a review commission, which was purely an administrative panel; it was not a judicial panel of inquiry, to look into contracts and work done by the administration. And that review panel came out with a report which we did not act on because we didn’t want it to be said that it was because they had gone to the Supreme Court; that we were trying to blackmail them so that we they can withdraw their case from the court. That was the thing, but if we say we are about good governance, the public has the right to know. They must know exactly what transpired, how it transpired but we also must give him an opportunity to respond in a fair manner that look, ‘the government has said this is the report of their investigative panel, in order for me to feel completely fair about what the government has done, I think they owe me a duty to subject me to an independent judicial panel rather than their own administrative panel.’ That is what he has said himself and I think it would be remise on me if he had slightly implied that the administrative panel was controlled by government and that it was just dancing to the tune of what the government dictated to them. So, let’s put this to a judicial commission of inquiry and then bring in professionals from ICAN, NBA, Nigerian Society of Engineers or any of the bodies that are known to be professionally competent to get involved in a matter of this nature. So, it is not a punitive or retributive response. In fact, it is taken from the view of Mr. Oni’s comments.

How soon are you going to do this?
As soon as we are ready.

There was a time you and Segun Oni were together attacking Mr. Ayo Fayose. You even wore clothes made from the same Ankara…. Can we know at which point you decided to part ways and why?
Segun Oni is still my brother any day. You know we are Ekiti and he’s my elder brother, even now. He came in for the late deputy governor’s funeral. That was the last time I saw him. Before then, he had called me on the phone to say he was sorry to read about what happened. He had been to the parents of the late deputy governor. Fundamentally, I don’t have any personal issue with Engineer Oni. No, I don’t. Our difference is purely political. Yes, we worked together on the campaign to ensure that good governance returned to Ekiti and he did his bit, I did my bit. We achieved our objective and of course, naturally if competition sets in, people would go their different ways. But we can disagree without being disagreeable. And that is what I think I’ve tried to demonstrate in the last two and a half years. I would never and I have refused, in spite of all the temptation out there, you cannot refer to one interview I have granted or comment I made, denigrating Fayose or Oni or any of the others. I don’t do it because they’ve had their time, they’ve occupied the position, they’ve gone from here and even if I have issues with them, this office is more important. And the minute I desecrate or denigrate any occupant of this office, I’m also doing that to myself. That is why I’d like to stress that I have absolutely no personal issues with Segun Oni. He’s my brother, he has the advantage of age and people expect age to confer wisdom and experience and I wish on their part they will see it that way as well.

We watched the NGF election video.…
You watched what?

The now famous NGF election video and we saw you. You told the DG to count the votes. You were a major actor.…
Simply by saying count the votes? [Laughs]

We also heard that you were a major campaigner for Rotimi Amaechi. But beyond all these now, what is the next thing? What is the way forward in the whole issue? Is there still an NGF?
Oh, clearly there is still an NGF!

But Your Excellency, before you answer that, is it true that you were the campaign manager of Rotimi Amaechi in the election? You said something about the average Ekiti man, that an average Ekiti abhors cheating. What was your exact role in the NGF saga?
What was my role? Well, I am a member of NGF by virtue of being the Governor of Ekiti State. That is what has given me my bully pulpit to intervene in NGF matter. And I had a position. My position was not driven by who the contestants were. It was driven primarily by the objectives undergirding NGF as a forum. If you like, NGF is a trade union of governors. Let’s not make any pretence about it; NGF is to help us promote good governance, both within our domains and collectively nationally. Nigeria is a federation and in a federation of federating units that are coordinates rather than being subordinates, this is an elementary definition of federalism anywhere. You can’t see where others will tell you what the fulcrum of federalism is.

So, when you see the governors go into NGF… we used to have all sorts of groups in the past but we’ve not had governors until 1979 in Nigeria. But this is the first time all of these governors are coming together formally, 20 years later, to say that we have an association of governors. What we used to have was Southern Governors Forum, Progressive Governors Forum, and so on and so forth. But in 1999, we took it further, those who were there before us took it further to say we really ought to have a platform not just for peer learning but also for critical engagement with the Federal Government. That is the role the NGF has played and as a governor from the ACN, I think it is obvious that one of our primary interests is not to become puddle for the party in the majority. If it’s a game of numbers, NGF would be a PDP governors’ forum. But NGF is not a game of numbers. That is why the Constitution of NGF stipulates it very clearly that when the chairman comes from the majority party, the vice chairman must come from the party that has the highest minority in the forum.

And on this matter, we were clear, the governors of the ACN, we were clear about where we wanted to pitch our tent. And this has nothing to do with President Jonathan at all. I think it is important for Nigerians to know that for us. The most common denominator in terms of interest for governors are the resources available for us to achieve our developmental objectives in our states and Governor Amaechi has done very well to push the frontiers of the debate precisely in the manner that he was instructed by all governors, not just PDP, ACN, APGA and, so on. I will give you examples of why it is like that: whether you talk of the Sovereign Wealth Fund [SWF], or you talk of Excess Crude or what we call illegal deductions or you talk about our position on fuel subsidy, Amaechi was not representing himself. Amaechi was conveying a position that has been clearly agreed by consensus.

Even when some of us disagreed with fuel subsidy, the truth of the matter was: it was the consensus in the Governors Forum that fuel subsidy should be removed. That was the consensus. So, you cannot blame Amaechi for going in the direction that we had all agreed that he should go. So, why must he then be punished when we all contributed to the cases we have in the Supreme Court? We paid. Akpabio was the first person to pay for the lawyers in our cases. And to prove that point to you, you reported it in the front page of the Tribune today what happened in Abuja. You saw what happened. The commissioners of finance that walked out of the meeting were not Amaechi’s forum commissioners. All the 36 commissioners walked out of the meeting, meaning interests are really what this is about, not personality. And people don’t make those connections.

The NGF held a training programme on governance some days ago in Abuja, only two states were absent because there is only one NGF that has a programme that it runs. The fact that there is some make-belief NGF somewhere does not confer legitimacy or authority on that make-belief NGF. But we don’t even want to go down that road because we want truce and a mechanism for bringing everybody back and what happened with the walk-out by commissioners of finance will teach us a lesson that there is a surreptitious, organised and concerted attempt to annihilate governors.

When you see what is happening in the National Assembly, and all sorts of funny demands that are coming out of the National Assembly and you connect that to the way our entitlements in the Federation Account are being tampered with, we had better wake up as governors to know that this is not a battle between Governor ‘A’ and Governor ‘B’ but a concerted, very creative manipulative campaign to destroy governors and therefore destroy this democracy.

What will you be telling your fellow governors?
Oh, my fellow governors? We are talking.…

What are you talking about?
We are all talking that look, our money…. Our money.… February has disappeared.…

What money?
What money? Oh, you want us to go into this? Okay, you want me to talk the details about it? The benchmark for 2013 budget is $75, in fact $79, not $75. This was a fine budget, clearly. Federal Government, at Federation Accounts and Allocation Committee (FAAC), no, not FAAC, I think I should be fair to them. FAAC is not about the Federal Government. It is a club of all the federating units, so to speak: local, state and federal governments. When the sharing is done on the basis of a consistent formula, as a result of the benchmark, which did not come into operation until April, there is a backlog because the old benchmark was $75; it’s now $79, meaning that on every barrel sold, there is a $4 claw back. It is this money, which is referred to as ‘augmentation’ that they’ve refused to release. And that is one of the problems we had in the past.

Two, there was an agreement, I think it was in March or April at the National Economic Council meeting, that $2billion should be released to states out of the Excess Crude Account. Again, they released just $1billion out of this $2billion. This dragged on. In April, we complained, our commissioners wanted to walk out of the meeting, we said ‘no, don’t walk out; just finish the meeting.’ The same happened on Thursday, June 13, 2013 and the commissioners were very clear about the instruction they had from their principals and what it was. Go and check, all of them walked out.

Even Akpabio’s and Jang’s commissioners?
All of them, including Jang and Akpabio’s commissioners. And their chairman remains the same. The chairman of the Commissioners for Finance Forum is the commissioner for Finance of Ebonyi State. And they called for clarification. You know how these things work; the commissioners will not walk out if they don’t have instructions from their principals.

You talked about sharing resources from the Federal Government. But your party is now talking about Regional Integration and you used to champion resource control…
We still do. Everybody knows my mantra about reducing dependence of Ekiti State on the Federal Allocation. That has not changed, but you know I am not alone in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Ekiti is a federating unit within the context of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The Constitution of Nigeria has not changed yet; the revenue allocation formula has not changed so, I cannot be an island even if I do not necessarily agree to a sharing culture. That is there because this is the resource that is still defined as national resource but that vision is not diminishing. So, the regional integration vision is still very much at the front burner of our own political agenda. The only issue is you also need a stimulant for that process and right now, the federation as defined has a state–federal relationship management. So, we still have to deal with the facts as they are even as we envision a totally different circumstances in the future because one, we are dealing with an economy that is mono-product, that is heavily dependent on oil and gas. Clearly, there are fluctuations on that. We must factor all of that into the equation.

But what is the reason that the Federal Government wants to come up with for not meeting the clear demands of the states that are legitimate? To the best of my knowledge, you can contradict me if you have better information. The price of oil has never gone down beyond $97 this year. It’s been more on the side of $101/$102 than even the $90s. Even after paying the $79 benchmark, there is still window to accumulate some resources. If the argument– and that is one argument our sister, the Coordinating Minister of the Economy always comes up with- that Nigeria needs to prepare for shock and that the country needs to prepare for a future where fluctuations might affect the oil prices. I totally agree with her there. But the only mechanism for saving is not just federal-driven except you are suggesting that those of us at the state level have no notion of saving and we do not know how to structure saving and that it is only federal that can save on our behalf. Then that argument does not hold water. Some of us understand economics very well. And we know what our priorities are in the states.

Some might say ‘you know governors are this, they’re that, they’re frivolous.’ People should speak for themselves. There is no evidence of any frivolity that you can find around governors that I know, that I have associated closely with, at least in this part.

So, there is no reason why the Federal Government should continue to behave as if it is a master-servant relationship. This is really the crux of the restructuring argument that we have always come up with. It is not a master-servant relationship; it is a coordinate relationship not a subordinate relationship. But we have the greatest respect for the president of Nigeria because he is the president of the larger part of that relationship. But the other units are important to the survival and development of the relationship. Now, you tell me, where is the Federal Government land in Nigeria, apart from Federal Capital Territory (FCT) if they say they want to do agriculture? Our ever so dynamic Agriculture Minister, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, where does he have his land if he wants to do farming? He will come here, ask me for a piece of land ‘I want to do cassava in Ekiti. Please governor, sign paper for me…’ This is the fundamental issue.

Before we veer off that issue, you have marshalled the position of the governor quite reasonably. But you begin to ask yourself that why will the governors also object to the local governments being given autonomy? We ask because…
Editor, editor, I have just said something earlier. I am a student of political science. Maybe that is what sometimes gives me a very worrisome response to this issue. Local governments, however defined, are simply administrative units; they are not structural components in any federal unit. If you can point to one federal state around the world that you know that has three tiers as separate components in a federal entity, please give me one. Australia? India? Canada? United States of America? Do you ever hear about local government in the United States of America? Of course there is New York. They have powers in New York but when it comes to dealing with state – federal relations… Barack Obama cannot deal directly with the local government. When Sandy (hurricane) happened, did Obama go to the Mayor? He went to the governor (Chris Christie) in New Jersey. People elevate ignorance to the level of theory and then they continue to argue on that ignorance. This is what we are doing with this whole hullaballoo about local government autonomy. What is local government autonomy for goodness sake? If I want to have 200 local governments in Ekiti, it’s just an administrative unit for me to ensure that I deliver the goods to the people of Ekiti… what my brother, Owelle Rochas Okorocha called “community government… the fourth tier…”

… You may laugh at it but that is really the fundamental point. He is the one that can set up a fourth tier or fifth tier and 20th tier. It is not for Abuja to sit and then superimpose local government autonomy. That means you’ve just destroyed the base of federalism. It means we are a unitary state if you do that; it is no longer a federal state.

But what if the constitution is amended to accommodate that and create the fourth tier as the local government?
We shall see.

The local governments are listed in the Constitution…
Which is a misnomer! You and I know that it is a misnomer. How can you list local governments in the Constitution? That means if it is Ado Ekiti that is in the Constitution of Nigeria 1999, Ado Ekiti has grown fourfold since that time. So, if I now want to create four local governments out of that one that was created, you will say I can’t? It’s an administrative unit!

But, we want to believe that the reason you have all these chips surrounding local government administration is because …
[cuts in]. It’s a sharing economy! Nobody wants to generate resources and I think the way to do that is to reduce the centre; devolve powers to the local level and hold the feet of those in office to fire. Make them more accountable. It is only when you bring government nearer to the people that they can be held accountable. But for those of us, who are already held accountable by our people, to now suffer because we are serving the people, there is an extent to which this can go that we haven’t even looked at. But surreptitiously, it’s climbing the higher grid. Governors are not the most popular figures in this country. That is to put it mildly; we are not the most popular.

Your Excellency, when we talk about the governors, the NGF is being used as a kind of parallel government…
[Cuts in] …It’s not true… It’s not so…

I think it is part of the reasons you [governors] have some of these problems. If you look at the governors from the days of James Ibori and Bukola Saraki through to Rotimi Amaechi, you will see that the governors were becoming so powerful at a particular point in time that they wanted to hem-in the sitting president. That was the scenario when Ibori was the governor when they had this meeting at Delta State Governor’s Lodge and they came up with a position that Chief Olusegun Obasanjo then president should not run for second term. That was also how Bukola Saraki used the NGF. The NGF became a kind of pressure group. It was like they hemmed-in late Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua then…
… That cannot be true! That cannot be true1 It’s those who are in PDP…

And now that those of you  in the saddle are feeling the heat you currently want the people to see you (governors) as underdogs…
That is not true…

I just want you to react to all these. You will imagine that when the oil subsidy crisis happened, the 36 governors were on the same page with the Federal Government on subsidy but when the crisis happened, all of you back-pedalled and made the Federal Government look like the enemies of the people. So, how can you now expect the Federal Government to see you governors as partners in progress? I think it is the mutual suspicion that you have between the incumbent president and you governors that has caused this?
Mutual suspicion in itself is not altogether a bad thing. The current arrangement as defined by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, promotes adversarial relationship, not just between governors and the Federal Government but between the National Assembly and the executive branch. That is the nature of competitive federalism that we are practising. Whether it is now manifesting itself in these personal ego turfs is now a different matter. Then, you cannot tar us with the same brush now; some of us are not members of PDP. If PDP members of the Governors’ Forum wanted Obasanjo out, how is that my business? I wanted Obasanjo out on a totally different ground because I wanted my party to be in government. It’s a legitimate interest. So, if emerging APC governors took the stand that we took, it is simply legitimate politically. It is also a thing we should do. I’m not saying that the opposition must disagree with the sitting government at all times…. No! But everything you said, take the fuel subsidy for instance, the governors took the step they took on one strong argument which nobody has been able to fault up till now: there is no fuel subsidy in Nigeria, it was a scam! And you’ve seen the result of the scam; you’ve seen the governors’ position. You just created emergency millionaires out of people who had no legitimate sources of livelihood.

We’ve seen the report of the investigation. Up till now, we are not the wiser. We have seen the Ribadu report. Nobody has been able to challenge the governors’ position that the so-called fuel subsidy remains a scam and that the money that you are using for this scam, let’s be honest to ourselves, is not getting to the people. You and I can walk down the streets of Ado Ekiti, maybe NNPC filling station will sell it at N97; any other filling station in spite of my intervention… drive-in and say hey, why are you selling above the pump price?

What power do I really have to control that sale at N97? And people are suffering in this country. That is the reality. Where in this country – maybe Lagos, Ibadan and Abuja – do they sell fuel at the control price of N97 per litre? So, why are we pretending that we don’t know what is at stake?

Even before this crisis came, we (governors) had a very bad press. That is the truth. Sometimes, nobody is willing to listen to us. “All these criminals, all these thieves who just sit there, stealing the people’s money, God will punish them.” That is what they say. But we also have a duty to connect with our people. We also have a duty to explain ourselves. I’ve not stolen anybody’s money. This, for me, is service and since I’ve chosen to serve the people, I want to do it to the best of my ability. But I also want what they are entitled to, to be given to them rather than being manipulated through the machinations of those in charge in Abuja. That is why we don’t want to be sitting in one meeting with someone who calls himself the Accountant-General of the Federal Government. We want the Accountant General of the Federal Government to sit; we also want the Accountant General of the Federation to sit and who would be the one managing the funds from the Federation Account and the Consolidated Fund of the government. The AG of the Federal Government will get his own share, AG Ekiti, according to this formula, this is your money. You cannot run a unitary state and pretend that it is a federal state by masquerading as a federal state. Our perception management is faulty. I’m the first to admit. Governors have a perception management issue. Some of us have not managed our publics very well. We need to do a lot more by explaining and talking to our people rather than assuming that they know what is going on. I saw this because when you look at it closely, why is it that it is only governors that that the EFCC goes after? Go and check your records. There is no minister in the past 10 years, apart from the man in Nasarawa State, who was in the Ministry of Labour that was chased by EFCC. How come all these DGs, the people who are responsible for these scams are not affected, but before you know it, Governor ‘A’ has been brought before the EFCC. That is the story.

The NGF issue has generated to a lot of issues including the planes that cannot land, etc. What do you see on the political landscape?
I am worried about the political landscape. In a sense, one could dismiss it and say well, it’s just orchestrated over-heating of the polity. But I see a structural defect in the system that we really ought to attend to. This is a tructure of a larger malaise but this malaise is a structural defect of the Nigerian state. And unless we do something fundamentally about the structure of the Nigerian state, we are going to continue to recycle this problem and everything will now be dependent on the political sagacity of the Number 1 player, the president, who manages this creative and deliberate tension in the system. I think that we need a meeting of minds outside the NGF with the president, maybe at the Council of State. The NGF is not a statutory body of our constitution so, this brouhaha over the NGF election, some of us cannot understand it because the National Economic Council is statutory; the National Council of State is statutory, they  are the policy-making advisory body and I think all of the developments in the country today really call for a Council of State meeting that should examine a whole range of things – security, economy, the Constitution that is being discussed. These are issues I think for which the president should invite all the players, regardless of political parties, to deliberate upon because I think I suspect just from my own straw pole and composition with people around me here in Ekiti that Nigerians are beginning to see this democracy as stagnant, at best, if not in the reverse gear already. And you don’t want to create that mindset because if you create that mindset of despondency in the people, there are also some opportunists who would take advantage of it.

Those of us who used to argue that as much as possible, don’t get the military involved in civilian matters, this is what informed such concerns. The more you involved the military in civilian matters, the more you are telling the military that you cannot handle these matters and that you need them to rescue you. And that has very dire implications for the polity. We are lucky we have a military that seems committed to professionalism now and that is more pro-democracy. But if it continuously happens, then, we are running the risk of losing this democracy and I don’t think we should allow it. I say this because as much as we are complaining, freedom may be intangible, freedom may not be food on the table but freedom is invaluable. Those of us who were persona non grata know what freedom means.

On the regional integration plan, we know that there was a committee that was set up and we’ve not been hearing a lot. What is the progress so far?
You’re actually hearing a lot. You are not just hearing it in words. You are actually not hearing it in words because we’ve taken it to a level where the technical committee is working. They are right there in Cocoa House and we’ve done all these but we’re beginning to replicate things which for us are in the regional integration agenda. We believe that see the people should see the evidence of the Regional Integration Agenda on the streets rather than in our boardrooms and in our theoretical presentations. Take for example, after we did a laptop per child with curriculum in our Education agenda, everybody now is talking about Opon Imo in Osun State. When we did Social Security here, Ogun and Osun have started a mini version of the social security scheme. Osun did O’YES, O’YES is in Oyo now, O’YES is Ekiti, O’YES is in Ogun. If you look at governance, our heads of service meet regularly…

Six, including Ondo…?
Yes. The six of them.

Continues tomorrow


This article was first published in the Nigerian Tribune

Last modified: June 20, 2013

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